Kurt (real name withheld) was an active member of the opposition. He was arrested by around 15 police officers at his home in the early hours of the morning in 2007. Taken to the police station, those officers wanted Kurt to testify against the former president of his party and to acknowledge that he himself had tried to destabilize the party in power – which was by no means the case.

Because Kurt continued to deny the allegations, the agents beat him for four hours, only stopping to interrogate him further. After hours of torture, threats and humiliation, Kurt “acknowledged” the allegations. After his statement, he was imprisoned under deplorable conditions: he was forced to sleep on the ground, deprived of water, food and access to the toilets, and regularly beaten all over his body. Kurt had to share his cell with around thirty other detainees and was not given any chance to speak to anyone outside. Consequently, he was unable to warn his family or to have access to a lawyer.

Released on bail several months later, Kurt immediately informed the authorities of the violence that he had suffered. The United Nations and several human rights NGOs intervened on his behalf but did not manage to get anything done about it: five years after the events, no investigation had been opened.

That is why Kurt, with TRIAL’s support, filed a complaint before the United Nations in 2012, reporting the authorities’ violation of their international obligation and their responsibility in the torture that Kurt had suffered.

In November 2016, the United Nations recognized the violations of Kurt’s rights. Burundi has not yet enacted its recommendations.

 

A member of the Burundian police, Jeff (real name withheld) witnessed rampant corruption among his ranks while at work. The fact that he was courageous enough to publicly report such abuse led to his arrest and then arbitrary detention for several weeks.

The intimidation continued after his release: more or less explicit warnings, dismissal and, finally, death threats. Faced with this growing pressure, Jeff had no choice but to go into hiding. Despite keeping a low profile, Jeff was arrested and summarily executed in August 2010. His family never had the chance to see his mortal remains or organize a funeral, despite its numerous requests.

Although national and international mobilization was strong, no light was ever shed on Jeff’s execution. In view of the Burundian authorities’ deadlock, an NGO coalition, of which TRIAL International was part, referred the case to an international human rights body to finally get an investigation into this case opened. Burundi must meet its obligations to prosecute the perpetrators of this crime, to protect its nationals and to afford reparations to the victim’s family.

 

I.V. was a young man from Burundi invested in politics, an active supporter of an opposition party. After he openly showed his support for the party in question during an electoral campaign, I.V. began receiving anonymous phone calls with explicit death threats such as “You have very little time left to live”. Terrified, the victim abandoned his studies and distanced himself from his friends. He hid at home like a recluse for weeks, fearing for his life.
In 2012, however, he left his house to meet a friend. It quickly became clear this was a trap – people close to him saw him being taken away by police in uniform. A few days later, his lifeless body was found in the neighbouring countryside.
The local Prosecutor immediately ordered the competent authorities to launch an investigation, a request that was vehemently supported by several NGOs. Despite this, years after the events, no investigation has been carried out and I.V.’s family has yet to discover the truth about his summary execution.
In 2015, in the light of this blatant impunity, TRIAL seized the file and took it to a human rights protection organisation. In its complaint, it alleged that the murder of Mr I.V. is, among others, a violation of his right to live, to non-discrimination, to freedom and to freedom of speech.

 

Mr H.T., a Burundian citizen, was a member of the CNDD-FDD, the party in power in Burundi, before joining an opposition party where he held various prominent positions.
Harassment began immediately after Mr H.T. switched parties. Old friends and colleagues from the CNDD-FDD insistently tried to convince him to come back, but their proposals gradually became threats. The victim received anonymous phone calls and was put under police surveillance. H.T. was even stopped on three occasions by the National Intelligence Service (Service National des Renseignements, or SNR) because of his political affiliation.
The threats intensified until the day when, in 2011, H.T. was ambushed by three policemen and murdered. His body was riddled with several bullets in the chest and legs.
As soon as the events happened, several NGOs condemned the crime and demanded an investigation. The case received wide media coverage, both in Burundi and abroad, due to its particularly violent and shocking nature.
Burundi never confirmed launching an investigation into the murder, and no case has ever been opened. The victim’s family remains in complete ignorance regarding the progress of the investigation that was allegedly launched. More than four years after the crime, the assassins are still at large.
TRIAL seized the file and took it to a human rights protection organisation in 2015. In its complaint, it alleged that the murder of Mr O.R. is, among others, a violation of his rights to live, to non-discrimination, to freedom and to freedom of speech.

 

At the beginning of 2008, in front of his home, Jean (real name withheld) listened to the story of Fabien (ibidem), a member of his family. The latter told him of a recent altercation with a representative of the State, who had tried to extort official documents from him. During the discussion, the same representative burst in front of Fabien, once again insisting to obtain the said documents.

Witnessing this manifest abuse, Jean intervened to challenge the order and to protect his relative… which led to him being forcibly taken by several policemen. Thrown into a vehicle, he was beaten and released only under pressure from the onlookers who witnessed the scene.

Covered in blood, seriously wounded, Jean was abandoned on the roadside. Taken to the hospital, it took him several weeks to heal from his wounds.

As soon as he was back on his feet, Jean denounced the abuses to the competent authorities. He was granted only one hearing, which led to nothing. After four years, and despite many revivals, the situation has not changed.

 

Procedure

Faced with the apathy of the national judicial system, Jean was not discouraged and appealed to TRIAL International for justice.

Noting the deadlock in which he has found himself, the NGO assisted him by filing a complaint with the United Nations. This complaint, filed in 2012, requires that torture and the Burundian authorities be recognized.

The procedure is currently underway.

 

Fanny (real name withheld) was only nine years old when she was raped by a military officer. He was a family friend and regularly visited Fanny and her parents.

One night, while patrolling in Fanny’s neighborhood, he forcefully took the young girl to his domicile. There, after taking his clothes off, he undressed the victim and raped her. Several times, he threatened to kill her and her family if ever she were to reveal the rape.

In spite of the threats, Fanny, in extreme distress, found the courage to tell the facts to her mother a few days later.

Her mother, who also has two other children, was immediately in favor of prosecuting the torturer. Her husband preferred a friendly settlement – in other words, the payment of a sum of money in order to forget about the case. Given this fundamental disagreement, Fanny’s father left the family home. Therefore, her mother began her long quest for justice on her own.

 

Procedure

The Burundian justice heard all the parties’ testimonies and a medical expertise was conducted, confirming the young girl’s statements. But gradually, the procedure became obscure and the investigation slacked. Finally, after months of inaction, the auditor closed the case, under the pretext of insufficient infringing elements.

In the face of this injustice, TRIAL International and local NGO Centre Seruka took up the case on in 2013. Together, they brought it before the United Nations, asking for the rape to be recognized, as well as Burundi’s failure to fulfil its international obligations to protect her and grant her justice. The procedure is pending.

Today, Fanny’s health remains worrying. Her mother, after having refused the amicable settlement, has been abandoned by her family. Both Fanny and her mother are living in extremely precarious conditions.

 

Until 2011, Clement (alias), a political opponent, used to work as a teacher. He has been arrested at home by security forces, under the false pretext of threatening the security of the state.

Taken by force to a police station, the security personal attempted to extort a confession from him. On the spot, he has been subjected to several acts of torture and received death threats. The physical and psychological sufferings inflicted on Clement during that event were extremely severe, to such an extent that the after-effects persisted for several years.

But Clement did not let himself be down casted. While in prison, he has tried to obtain justice by using all legal means and has pursued this fight after his release.

Unfortunately, Clément has quickly been confronted with the ill will of the Burundian authorities. Only once heard in this case, his legal record has been lost, obliterating his chances of obtaining justice.

On the other hand, the trial for threatening the security of the state which he has been subjected to has continued as if nothing had happened. Throughout the trial, the accused has repeatedly denounced the torture of which he was a victim, to no avail. At the end of his trial, Clement has been sentenced to several years in prison. He has eventually been acquitted.

 

Procedure

Three years after the incident, the Burundian legal system has proved to be incapable of assisting Clement. As of now, the torture he has suffered remains unpunished. Based on this observation, TRIAL International decided to bring this case to the United Nations, at the international level.

The plaintiff’s requests are simple: the authorities must recognize the torture inflicted to the victim; Their responsibility in their execution and pay reparations to the victim for the wrongdoing. Moreover, independently of this procedure, the Burundian State must ensure that the victim is not in danger because of the steps taken.

The procedure is underway.

 

Jean-Pierre (real name withheld) was a renowned Burundian lawyer and an opponent of the government. In 2011, he was stopped and detained in a witness corruption case. He was charged for witness subordination – an infringement which, regardless of its veracity, has been time-barred since 2006.

This pretext concealed the real reason for his arrest: Jean-Pierre’s political activism. At the time of the victim’s arrest, several other lawyers were stopped and released on unclear grounds.

Jean-Pierre’s arrest and detention were riddled with many errors. For example, taken into custody immediately after his arrest, he was not brought before a judge until 10 days after the legal deadline. Other procedural errors were also made. The victim wasn’t even released to attend a relative’s funeral – and this despite the fact that he doesn’t represent a threat to the public. At the current time, Jean-Pierre is still in prison.

Procedure

In 2011, TRIAL International brought the case before the United Nations in order for Jean-Pierre to be finally released. The NGO requested them to recognize Burundi’s failure to comply with articles 9 and 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (right to liberty, to security of the person, to the respect of safeguards pertaining to deprivation of liberty and to a fair trial).

One year later, the United Nations recognized the arbitrary nature of Jean-Pierre’s detention and the link between his political activities and his imprisonment. As a consequence, the United Nations invited the State of Burundi to ensure an adequate reparation to the victim.

 

Désiré (not his real name), a Burundian citizen, had joined the National Liberation Forces (FNL) movement when he was scarcely more than a child. After his demobilization, he decided to live a peaceful life with his wife and their child.

But the calm was short-lived. In 2010, a wave of insecurity swept across the country after the opposition contested the elections. Political opponents were systematically persecuted. There was, in particular, a significant surge in extrajudicial executions.

During this time, Désiré was arrested for the first time by a State agent who tried to bribe him to get hold of the names of the FNL leaders.

Following Désiré’s refusal, several law enforcement officers tried to kill him at his home a few months later. Left for dead, the victim was hospitalized for several months in a very critical condition.

No sooner had he left the hospital, the authorities put pressure on him once more, forcing Désiré to flee the region. These precautions were insufficient to put an end to his ordeal, however, because Désiré was abducted and executed in July 2011. He was 28 years old at the time.

 

Proceedings

After the execution, numerous NGO’s such as Amnesty International, International Crisis Group, and Human Rights Watch put pressure on Burundian authorities to see justice done. An investigation was claimed to have been opened, but to date no investigative acts have been carried out and no proceedings have been launched.

Despite wide media coverage following Désiré’s execution, his family was never heard by the authorities or given information of any progress made. More than six years later, the acts remain unpunished.

An NGO coalition of which TRIAL International was part brought the case before an international human rights body. The victim’s family is entitled to an appropriate reparation, including compensation, satisfaction, and rehabilitation measures.

The proceedings are ongoing.

 

André (real name withheld) was a ranked army member. One night, he was jogging with his friends when gun shots suddenly rang out. Armed men, some of whom were in civilian clothes and others in police uniform, rushed in and requested everyone to leave the premises. Unsure how to react, André and his friends remained in place.

Within minutes, André was tied up, searched, beaten, verbally abused and threatened with weapons. His mobile phone and identity documents were confiscated. His friends were subjected to the same torture at the hands of other armed men.

One witness recounts: “(…) There were people lying down on the floor in the mud. There were about ten people who were being continuously stomped on their backs (and insulted) (…) In spite of the fact that it was already night time, I could see mud all over their bodies and even on their heads, indicating that they had been dragged in the mud.”

They were crammed into a van. None of them knew why they were being taken nor where they were going. During the journey, André nearly passed out on several occasions because the pain caused by the blows was so sharp.

 

Retained in arbitrary detention during three years

Hours later, André was brought to a small room to be interrogated. He was so weak that he couldn’t walk and had to be helped by his jailers.

The latter questioned him about a plot against the government, in which he had supposedly participated. No matter how much André denied his involvement, the questions became increasingly insistent to the point where they turned into threats.

Having himself experienced torture and witnessed his friends being tortured, the victim preferred to sign a false statement. Despite this, he was kept in detention under inhumane conditions: locked up in a small cell of two square metres with no windows, forced to sleep on the bare ground and solely fed with rotten food.

It was not until three years later that André was freed. He still suffers to this day from the physical and psychological sequels related to this episode: post-traumatic disorders, anxiety attacks, sleep disturbances, etc.

 

Procedure

After his release from prison, he tried to obtain justice in every way possible. In spite of his perseverance and the intervention of several human rights organizations in his favor, nothing happened.

In 2013, TRIAL International assisted André in filing of a complaint to the United Nations. The latter acknowledged the responsibility of the State of Burundi in this case and requested it to provide for reparation payments to the victim.

Years later, André still suffers great economic and security distress. In the face of the impossibility to reintegrate the army, he has gone through long periods of unemployment. André’s health remains worrying, but he cannot afford medical treatment.

His health still leaves a lot to be desired and he is regularly subject to stressful episodes: “I am relieved that the United Nations have recognized the injustices I have gone through, although nothing will ever erase the pain. In the unstable context in Burundi, I still live with the fear of my torturers finding me.”

 

Claude (real name withheld) was stopped in the street by Burundian State agents. Without any explanations, they simply threatened him with a weapon and ordered him to follow them, confiscating his car keys.

During Claude’s interrogation, they tried by all means to make him “confess” fictitious facts: blows all over his body with bats and iron wires, suspension by the arms, broken teeth… Claude’s torture lasted for hours. The height of horror was reached as one of the torturers filmed the entire ordeal.

Cornered against the wall and in a critical state, the victim accepted to sign a previously prepared statement by his torturers.

But this “confession” lead to further violations of his rights : Claude was indeed detained the following seven days in a crowded cell without hygiene, unable to contact his family or a lawyer. His relatives learned of his fate through media reports.

Five months passed before he was heard by a judge, who ordered his liberation for lack of evidence to sustain the charges.

 

Procedure

Claude tried to access the Burundian justice in every way possible, without success. Neither a medical certificate attesting the torture that he suffered nor the intervention of human rights organizations made the authorities take action.

In December 2011, Claude brought the case to the international level with the help of TRIAL International. Together, they seized the United Nations, requesting them to take a decision in regards to Claude’s torture and arbitrary detention.

If successful, the Burundian government will have to meet its obligations of prosecuting the perpetrators and paying reparations for the damages that the victim suffered. The procedure is pending.

 

(The Hague, 19 May 2016) – The European Union (EU) and its member states should make a commitment to further enhance national prosecutions of crimes under international law and human rights violations, six international human rights groups said today. Member states should adopt necessary laws, create specialized war crimes units, and ensure that these units have financial and political support.

The groups are Amnesty International, the European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Human Rights Watch, REDRESS, and TRIAL International. The groups issued their statement in advance of the first European Union Day Against Impunity, which will be celebrated on 23 May 2016 in The Hague and is organized by the Dutch presidency of the Council of the EU, together with the European Commission, the EU Genocide Network, and Eurojust.

The EU Day Against Impunity shines a spotlight on the fact that more and more national courts are investigating and prosecuting grave human rights violations committed abroad,” said Gauri van Gulik, Deputy Program Director for Europe and Central Asia at Amnesty International. “International courts have limited capacity and national courts should play a key role in acting as a “safety net” to prevent impunity for crimes under international law.”

The EU Day Against Impunity is taking place during the ongoing refugee crisis that has led to the arrival in European countries of numerous people fleeing conflict zones in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. This situation creates a unique opportunity for European states to make a meaningful contribution to justice for the atrocities in these countries. The increased presence of asylum seekers means that previously unavailable victims, witnesses, material evidence, and even some suspects are now within reach of national judicial authorities.

Over the past two decades, the national courts of an increasing number of countries, including but not limited to EU countries, have started trying cases of grave crimes such as genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial executions – “crimes under international law” – committed abroad.

National courts can have extra-territorial jurisdiction over crimes committed abroad when the suspects or the victim are a national of that country or for crimes that are considered so grave that ensuring accountability for them should be of concern to humanity as a whole. This principle under international law is known as “universal jurisdiction.” Although universal jurisdiction has existed for decades, it had been rarely used until a few years ago.

There has been considerable progress in the prosecution of crimes under international law by national courts in the last 20 years. Cases in European courts have involved crimes committed in Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan, Guatemala, Kosovo, Iraq, Liberia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Argentina, and Syria, among others.

In 2015, in a landmark case, the courts of Senegal put on trial the former head of state of Chad, Hissène Habré, for crimes committed in that country. Argentina and South Africa have opened investigations regarding grave human rights violations in China, Spain, Paraguay, and Zimbabwe. A recent study on 12 countries exercising universal jurisdiction found tangible progress – such as arrests, indictments, or convictions – in 27 cases in 2015.

While, in principle, it would be preferable for justice to be carried out in the countries where the crimes are committed, this is often not possible. The application of universal jurisdiction reduces the existence of “safe havens,” where perpetrators of crimes can enjoy impunity. It is a critically important avenue toward justice for victims who have nowhere else to turn and can help spur accountability in the countries where the crimes were committed.

Recognizing the important role of EU member states in ending impunity, the EU, in 2002 and 2003, adopted two decisions creating a network of investigators and prosecutors working on cases involving crimes under international law, the European Genocide Network, and recommending that member states create specialized war crimes units. Several EU countries, including the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, France, and Germany, have created such war crimes units, made up of police and prosecutors with specific expertise and dedicated to these cases. The EU Genocide Network has enhanced cooperation and facilitated the sharing of best practices between EU member states through biannual meetings.

The increasing number of cases shows that investigations and prosecutions of complex international crimes by national courts may be hard but are not impossible with the right tools in place,” said Géraldine Mattioli-Zeltner, International Justice Advocacy Director at Human Rights Watch. “The work of the existing war crimes units and of the EU Genocide Network is starting to bear fruit, and the EU should strengthen its support for this work and encourage other regional organizations to do the same.”

Several countries are already investigating grave human rights violations in Syria and Iraq. According to media reports, prosecutions and investigations are underway relating to war crimes and torture in these two countries in France, Finland, Germany, Sweden, and the Netherlands.

Prosecutions in third states are often the only available option for victims to obtain justice, for example in places like Syria or Iraq where massive abuses are being perpetrated with impunity,” said Karim Lahidji, President of FIDH. “Universal jurisdiction cases are only a first step, but they are a beacon of hope for victims.”

It is not the first time that both victims and some suspects have arrived in European countries from conflict zones. The same happened after the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 and after the Balkan wars in the ’90s. Today, European countries are better prepared to investigate grave international crimes and should do so in a way that secures accountability without stigmatizing entire groups of asylum seekers, the organizations said. Yet, the current situation and increased demands on national judicial authorities highlight that further improvements are needed to ensure effective national prosecutions of grave international crimes.

Not all EU member states have national laws defining crimes under international law, and some lack jurisdiction to prosecute such crimes when committed abroad, leaving impunity gaps within the EU. Only a minority of EU member states have set up specialized war crimes units, and more should consider doing so, the organizations said. Even in the countries that have war crimes units, they are often understaffed and under-resourced with just a handful of investigators and prosecutors despite a mounting number of cases.

Diplomatic considerations sometimes seem to hamper cases that touch on powerful countries such as the United States, Israel, or China. Some countries, including Belgium and Spain, have limited or effectively abandoned their universal jurisdiction laws in the past, following diplomatic pressure.

It is absolutely crucial for universal jurisdiction to apply to all equally and without political interference in prosecutorial decisions,” said Andreas Schüller, Head of the International Crimes and Accountability Program at ECCHR.

It is also critical to establish effective cooperation between immigration services – which are on the first line in identifying potential victims and suspects – and judicial authorities. Some countries, such as the Netherlands, have created specialized war crimes units in their immigration services that screen asylum seekers for potential involvement in war crimes. In Germany, Syrian asylum seekers are systematically asked to provide – on a voluntary basis – information they may have about grave international crimes and this information is passed on to the police war crimes unit to be processed.

Other countries should implement similar measures to assist victims and to identify potential perpetrators on their territory and bring them to justice,” said Philip Grant, Director of TRIAL.

In October 2014, the European Genocide Network adopted a strategy that lists these and other steps that the EU and member states should take to enhance national prosecutions of crimes under international law.

Despite notable progress, there is still a lot of work to do to strengthen the practice of national prosecutions for war crimes and crimes against humanity,” said Jürgen Schurr, Head of Law and Policy at REDRESS. “The EU Day Against Impunity is the perfect occasion for the EU and its member states to commit to take concrete steps to implement the EU Genocide Network strategy. The EU Day Against Impunity should also be a yearly occurrence to highlight progress and remaining challenges.”

Rached Jaïdane

Wrongly suspected of inciting an attack against the party in power, Rached Jaïdane, a former political opponent, was arrested in Tunisia in 1993.

Among the acts of cruelty that he suffered during his detention, Rached Jaïdane was punched, kicked and beaten with truncheons all over his body; he was subjected to the “roast chicken” method of torture, sexual abuse, electrocution and waterboarding; his nails were ripped off and his fingers crushed. He was only released in February 2006 after 13 years of torture and abuse in Tunisian prisons.

Rached Jaïdane approached the national justice system in 2011. Although his complaint led to a trial being opened, the verdict rendered in 2015 shattered all the victim’s hopes: all of the accused were acquitted apart from the former President Ben Ali, who was sentenced to a five-year prison term – a sentence that he has never served.

In January 2015, TRIAL International and ACAT-France submitted a complaint on Rached Jaïdane’s behalf to the United Nations Committee against Torture. The two NGOs demanded a new investigation into the torture to which Rached Jaïdane was subjected, as well as appropriate reparation. The case is currently pending.

“It’s high time to put an end to impunity and to meet the expectations created by the Revolution. Building a State based on the rule of law means that investigations into serious violations of human rights must be carried out diligently, trials must be conducted in a serious and impartial manner, and justice must be brought to Rached Jaïdane as well as to numerous other victims,” insisted Philip Grant, Director of TRIAL International.

Read ACAT-France and TRIAL International’s joint press release:

http://www.acatfrance.fr/actualite/proces-pour-la-torture-de-rached-jaidane—une-parodie-de-justice

On 4 October 2018 in Tunis, the first hearing on the Jaïdane case in the context of the transitional justice process opened. Due to a magistrates’ social movement, the Chamber postponed the hearing only 45 minutes after it had begun, and in spite of the presence of 5 accused.

 

The Ruzizi Plain is situated in South Kivu Province and borders on Burundi. A conflict has raged for many years between the two ethnic groups that populate the plain, the Bafuliro and the Barundi, due to land-holding, economic and political rivalries. The local civilian populations endure regular waves of attacks and serious crimes, while the State authorities have neither the will nor the capacity to put an end to them.

In summer 2013, a number of unidentified armed men attacked the village of Mutarule. The assailants killed several tens of people and pillaged numerous homes.

Despite promises made by the local authorities, no investigations were conducted to identify the perpetrators of the crimes and nobody was punished. On the contrary, impunity and insecurity led to new massacres in June 2014, when a number of armed men opened fire on 200 people who had congregated in front of Mutarule church. Neither the Congolese security forces nor the United Nations’ peacekeepers took any action to stop this attack.

In early 2015, pressured by civil society and the international community, the Congolese authorities conducted the first investigations into the crimes committed in Mutarule. Within the context of these investigations, TRIAL International provided several tens of victims of serious crimes in Mutarule with legal assistance. The NGO continues to advocate that the national authorities should open a trial in order to establish who is responsible for these crimes and to seek reparations for the victims.

The trial for the Mutarule massacre started on 12 August 2016 and has been the theatre of tensions, resulting in delays in the mobile court hearings. No less than 92 victims have taken part in this trial of titanic proportions. In the dock, two FARDC commanders and one Barundi leader, suspected of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

On February 2017, the verdict has finally been made public. The massacre committed against the village has been described as a crime against humanity and the victims will receive financial compensation. None of the three defendants have been convicted for crimes against humanity. One was acquitted. Another, Mr Sheria, the alleged leader of an armed group, was sentenced to 15 years in prison for illegal possession of war weapons – but not for his direct involvement in the massacre of 6 June, which according to the Court has not been proven. The third defendant was Major Kayumba, a representative of the Congolese army, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison for violation of orders.

On 12 June 2018, the appeal hearings were initiated in Bukavu before the Congolese Military High Court.

 

The case of seven women whose rapists were convicted in 2011 epitomizes the gap between a guilty verdict and truly satisfying, restorative justice.

In the summer of 2009, the Congolese army launched “Operation Kimia II” in South Kivu, aiming to track down members of the non-state armed group FDLR. An army battalion was deployed in the town of Mulenge and by mid- August, fleeing fierce combat between the FDLR and the army, most of its civilian population had relocated in the nearby village of Mugaja.

 

Horrendous crimes lead to prompt convictions

When food ran out, a group of displaced civilians decided to head back to Mulenge, hoping to crop their fields there. Seven women, including one blind woman and two pregnant ones, were part of that group. When they arrived in Mulenge on 18 August 2009, they were attacked and raped by a handful of Congolese soldiers.

On 30 October 2010 the military tribunal in Uvira found five Congolese soldiers guilty of crimes against humanity for the seven rapes in Mulenge. In addition, the tribunal ordered the State of DRC to pay 50’000 USD to each of the victims, in reparation of the material and psychological harm. On 7 November 2011, the military court of appeal confirmed the verdict.

 

But the story does not end there

The reparations determined by the court were not implemented, and none of the victims received a single dollar.

On behalf of the Mulenge women, TRIAL International submitted a file for reparations to the competent authorities in Kinshasa (the capital of DRC) in June 2015. After more than five years of endless procedures and negotiations with the relevant authorities, still no compensation had been paid. More precisely, the Budget and Finance Ministries were at a stalemate, waiting for the Ministry of Justice to authorize the actual payment.

Sadly, this practice is very common: at the time of writing, no victim of international crimes has been correctly compensated by the State. In February 2017, TRIAL International filed an amicus curiae in a similar case before the African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights, arguing that impediments to effective reparations in DRC were structural, deep-rooted and generalized.

Read more about the amicus curiae

In the summer of 2016, TRIAL International lodged a complaint before the UN Human Rights Committee to engage the State’s responsibility for its failure to act in the Mulenge case.

In November 2021, the Human Rights Committee issued its decision, which recognized that the DRC had violated the rights of the seven women of Mulenge. In particular, the lack of effective compensation by the Congolese state aggravated their stigmatization and suffering and violated their right not to be subjected to torture, their right to access to a court and to an effective remedy, and their right not to be discriminated against on the basis of gender.

The Committee called on the DRC to fully execute the judicial decision, compensating the beneficiaries for the excessive delay, and to provide appropriate psychological rehabilitation, medical support, and social and economic reintegration measures.

 

Why is this case so important?

Contrary to the commendable steps taken by the Congolese judicial authorities to sanction the perpetrators of mass crimes, so far no progress has been achieved in terms of reparations to victims.

Read more about victories against impunity in DRC

The Mulenge case is one of the few cases for which the whole compensation procedure has been completed. Therefore, a simple decision by the Ministry of Justice could make the compensation payment to the victims a reality.

Unfortunately, contrary to most countries, the payment of monetary reparation in DRC is not automatic. It is subjected to an extremely long, complex and expensive enforcement procedure. Secondly, the compensation procedure presents a political component according to which the decision to actually pay is completely discretionary.

It is these structural hurdles that TRIAL International hopes to remove with the Mulenge case. Creating a precedent could pave the way to thousands of victims still waiting for the promised reparations.

 

In early January 2011, a simple fight between two men in Fizi (South Kivu Province) degenerated when a group of soldiers belonging to the Congolese army launched an offensive against the civilian population. Several tens of victims reported acts of rape, pillage and murder.

Thirteen months later, nine soldiers – of whom Lieutenant Colonel Kibibi Mutware was the main accused – were sentenced by the court of first instance to prison terms ranging from 10 to 20 years for crimes against humanity. On the victims’ side, 94 people should have received reparations from the Congolese State. But the convicted offenders lodged appeals and the criminal proceedings were put on hold for years, thus preventing payment of any compensation. In 2016, none of the victims has received a single centime and some have lost all hope of obtaining justice.

In collaboration with lawyers appointed to assist the victims, TRIAL International worked tirelessly to get the appeal proceedings reopened. Thanks to these efforts, the trial on appeal was finally opened before the Kinshasa Military High Court on 19 August 2015. The representation of victims in the trial remains the only way for them to finally obtain reparations for the crimes they have suffered. The trial is ongoing.

 

On the fringe of an operation by the Congolese army in the village of Kibungwe (South Kivu Province) in February 2010, Lieutenant Colonel Djela Felix and his men killed two people and raped a woman.

Their trial was held in 2013 before the South Kivu Military Court. Djela was sentenced to life imprisonment for the crimes committed, and the Congolese State was considered civilly liable for the crimes, which meant that it had to compensate the victims.

Djela lodged an appeal against the verdict before escaping from the central prison of Bukavu, just two weeks after his arrest. He has been on the run since then. Due to the absence of the accused, the appeal proceedings that he had requested were put on hold, thus leaving the victims without any chance of seeing the perpetrator punished or obtaining any reparations.

TRIAL International made every effort to get the appeal proceedings reopened. The aim of doing so was to secure a final decision that would enable the victims to gain access to the reparations owed to them. Thanks to these efforts, the trial was finally opened before the Kinshasa Military High Court in late 2015 and in February 2016, the Court rendered a judgment by default sentencing the Lieutenant Colonel (still on the run) to 20 years imprisonment and sentenced the accused, jointly with the State, to pay $7’500 in dommages to the victim.The procedure to execute the compensation order against the State is ongoing.

 

In September 2013, in the village of Mukoloka in Shabunda Territory (South Kivu Province), Army Corporal Bolingo Katutsi forced open the door of the house where W. and E. lived, and raped them using his rifle. One of the two women had given birth just two weeks earlier, and her child was injured at the time the crimes were committed, dying a few months later.

The Army Commander in charge of the village of Mukoloka had the Corporal arrested and placed him in detention. But just a few days later, Bolingo managed to escape and the authorities lost all trace of him. It was not until 2014 that they found him, arrested him and transferred him to Bukavu to appear before the Military Prosecutor’s Office.

In collaboration with the local NGO Dimension Sociale, TRIAL International has been documenting this case since early 2015. A trial was opened before the garnison Military Court in September 2015, thanks particularly to the work done by the lawyer appointed to defend the victims. TRIAL International helped the victims and several witnesses travel to Bukavu to ensure that their voices were heard in the trial. The judgment on this case was entered in March 2016 and in July, Bolingo was convicted for rape and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment. In August 2018, the Military Court of South Kivu confirmed the guilt of M. Bolingo but commuted his sentence to 8 years imprisonment.

 

W. G. was a senior officer of the Afghan army and belonged to both the Presidential Guard and the Kabul Garrison (KHAD – the security and intelligence agency). In his 15 years of service, he particularly fought the Mujahideen and was involved in the arrest of prisoners of war. Several NGOs accused KHAD of systematically using torture.

On June 16, 2005, the Swiss Asylum Appeal Commission (ARK) decided that W.G. should be excluded from refugee status on the grounds of his potential involvement in war crimes and crimes against humanity. In view of the fact that he could potentially become a victim of persecution in Afghanistan, W. G. was nevertheless granted entry into Swiss territory on a temporary basis.

On December 8, 2006, TRIAL International filed a criminal report of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed by him before the Swiss Office of the Armed Forces Attorney General / Military Justice, which at that time had jurisdiction to prosecute war crimes.

After ordering an in-depth investigation, the military justice system reached the conclusion that the suspect was not the man he claimed to be. He had usurped the rank, the position and possibly the identity of a senior officer of the Afghan intelligence services in the Communist period in order to try to obtain asylum in Switzerland. The case was therefore closed on March 17, 2010.

 

Among other positions, Mr M. G., of Somalian nationality, was the President of the Somali High Court from 1971 until the demise of Siad Barré’s government on January 26, 1991. During his mandate, several death sentences were imposed and political opponents were severely repressed. For example, a Minister, a senior official and 11 demonstrators who had organized strikes on political and religious grounds were all convicted and executed.

In May 1994, M. G.’s asylum application was turned down because of his potential involvement in serious violations of human rights, but was granted entry into Swiss territory on a temporary basis.

On November 5, 2007, TRIAL filed a report of torture allegedly committed by M. G. before the Canton of Geneva’s Attorney General. Despite numerous reminders, Geneva’s prosecution authorities did not take any action on the report. The Federal Administrative Court, which was called upon to refer the situation to Geneva’s Attorney General, also refused to intervene.

The complaint was finally closed on July 24, 2008, by the Attorney General, who considered that the accusations submitted in the criminal report were not sufficiently accurate. In addition, the Public Prosecutor considered that sending a rogatory commission to Somalia would be doomed to failure.