Wednesday 22 November 2017, a historical verdict convicted Ratko Mladic, referred to by his detractors as “the Butcher of Bosnia”, of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. 

 

A turning point for justice in BiH

The suspect, who was arrested in 2011, has been judged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which Ratko Mladic referred to as a “satanic court”.

With more than 500 days of hearings and hundreds of witnesses appearing in Court, this trial is one of the most important in the history of the tribunal.

“This outcome confirms today my deep belief that the battle against impunity is worth fighting,” said Adrijana Hanušić Bećirović, Senior Legal Adviser at TRIAL International’s BiH Program. “It sends a strong message that earlier or later, justice can be served even under the most complex circumstances.” 

 

Ethnic killings and detentions

The accused commanded the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) between 1992 and 1996. According to the prosecution, he formed a “joint criminal enterprise” along with Radovan Karadzic and Slobodan Milosevic to create a Greater Serbia. For this purpose, they allegedly orchestrated an ethnic cleansing.

The alleged crimes in the indictment included, among others: the killing of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, their detention in living conditions calculated to bring about their physical destruction, the massacre of over 7’000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys of Srebrenica.

“This trial marks a historical moment for justice and victims of the conflict,” said Selma Korjenic, Head of TRIAL International’s BiH Program. “After much disappointment for victims, it is important that the international community sends the message that evil will be answered with a proportionate response.” 

The ICTY has indicted more than 160 individuals since its creation by the United Nations in 1993. After 24 years of existence, the Tribunal will close its doors at the end of the year.

Ratko Mladic has been sentenced to life imprisonment by the judges, but the verdict can be appealed.

Legislative elections will be held on 26 November and 7 December this year in the small Himalayan republic. Unfortunately, for the time being, no political party has chosen to address the subject of transitional justice in its election campaign.

These elections are promising, however, because they are the first legislative elections since a Constituent Assembly was created in 2015, seven years after the monarchy was abolished.

Prosecute past crimes to stop future ones

Nepali transitional justice mechanisms that have emerged after nine years of heated discussions are a step forward, but their scope is still insufficient.

Indeed, hundreds of civil war victims and their loved ones are still waiting for compensation. More than 3,000 minors were forcibly recruited during the conflict and have since struggled to reintegrate into society.

Moreover, few victims are aware of their rights and the possibility to take their complaints to the United Nations if the local justice system fails them. This lack of information also contributes to the almost total impunity those responsible enjoy to this day.

Furthermore, human rights violations such as torture and arbitrary detentions did not disappear after the conflict ended: cases of abuse continue to be reported. Victims often come from less privileged backgrounds. The story of Bholi Pharaka illustrates this disheartening situation.

Towards a fairer society

Improving the population’s living conditions is achieved through transitional justice and respecting human rights in general. These rights should no longer be missing from political debates.

“Victims of human rights violations must find their place back in Nepali society,” insists Lucie Canal, interim Head of TRIAL International’s Nepal program. “To this end, the local judicial system must get rid of its inertia and make itself more accessible to victims.”

For more than a decade, Nepali and international civil society has fought against impunity in Nepal. It is now time for politicians to put their shoulder to the wheel.

 

Sarajevo, 14 November 2017 – The NGO TRIAL International urges BiH authorities to adopt without further delay a set of legal changes that would ensure protection of the identity for the witnesses in civil proceedings in BiH. The current legal framework does not provide necessary protection to the victims.

While the victims’ identities are protected in criminal proceedings, this is not an option in civil proceedings. The lack of these provisions is particularly damaging for survivors of wartime sexual violence who face safety issues, societal stigma and trauma.  Furthermore, it discourages many victims from requesting compensation in civil courts, which is sometimes their only option for pursuing redress.

The adoption of these amendments does not have any financial implications on the budget.  On the other hand, these legislative changes would certainly introduce a systematic solution not only for war crimes victims, but also for all citizens who find themselves in a similar situation, including victims of organized crime and human trafficking,” stated Adrijana Hanušić Bećirović, Senior Legal Adviser at TRIAL International.

In order to help ensure necessary changes to the legal framework, TRIAL International lead a working group of experts that came up with amendments to the all relevant laws at state, entity and district level, that should be adopted as soon as possible.

 Adriana Hanušić Bećirović also added that: “all the relevant ministries‘ representatives recognized the importance of the changes in the current legal framework during the meetings held this year. We believe that such attitudes are a positive sign and with the support of all the ministries we will be able to see these changes happen in the near future.”

TRIAL International notes that request for appropriate changes and improved witness protection measures also came from the United Nations Human Rights Committee in March 2017. The Committee demanded from BiH to urgently implement the necessary legal and practical measures which would provide the victims of torture and sexual violence with effective legal remedies.

 

On 9 November, Pre-trial ICC judges have announced that they have authorized the ICC prosecutor to open an investigation into alleged crimes committed in Burundi or by nationals of Burundi outside Burundi. The ICC retains jurisdiction over the situation even though Burundi withdrew from the ICC on 27 October 2016

The decision was made under seal on 25 October 2017, but not issued for public release in order to protect victims and potential witnesses.

We are delighted with this decision”, says Pamela Capizzi, Head of the Burundi program at TRIAL International. “Civil society’s courage and determination has been rewarded, and most importantly the victims and their family will finally get their voice heard.”

The Pre-Trial Chamber considered that there is a reasonable basis to proceed with an investigation in relation to crimes against humanity. Most of the crimes under consideration were allegedly committed by state security forces. While the investigations will focus on the period from 26 April 2015 until 26 October 2017, the Prosecutor may extend it to crimes committed before and after that period if certain legal requirements are met.

Learn more about crimes committed in Burundi

 

Burundi’s withdrawal has no influence on the ICC’s jurisdiction

The Pre-Trial Chamber found that the Court has jurisdiction over crimes allegedly committed while Burundi was a State party to the ICC Statute. Burundi was a State Party from the moment the Rome Statute entered into effect for the country in 2004, up until last month when its withdrawal became effective.

Learn more about Burundi’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute

The Pre-Trial Chamber found that the Court may exercise its jurisdiction even after the withdrawal became effective for Burundi as long as the investigation or prosecution relate to alleged crimes committed during the time Burundi was a State Party. Moreover, Burundi has a duty to cooperate with the Court since the investigation was authorized on 25 October 2017, prior to the date on which the withdrawal became effective for Burundi.

The judges also noted the Burundian authorities’ insufficient action so far, despite repeated international pressure. Accordingly, there is no conflict of jurisdiction between the Court and Burundi.

Learn more about the principle of complementarity

By opening an investigation into Burundi, the ICC has proved that oblivion and impunity are no longer options for mass crimes”, concludes Pamela Capizzi. “It constitutes one more step towards a solid and courageous international justice system, truly at the service of the victims worldwide.”

 

Geneva, 9 November 2017 – After several days of uncertainty, the trial for the Kavumu rapes will finally open today in Bukavu (South Kivu). Nearly five years after the first attacks and following an international mobilization of supporters, 18 suspects are facing charges, including a local politician. The trial will be a turning point for the fight against impunity in DRC.

 

Today, international observers will pay close attention to the village of Kavumu in Congo’s eastern province of South Kivu. It will be the epicenter of one of the most anticipated trials of the year. The defendants are alleged members of an armed militia who, for years, abducted and raped children in this village.

The trial was originally planned to start on Monday 6 November. Due to the instable context in the region, it was postponed at the last moment to 9 November and then to 20 November. In a dramatic turn of events, the trial date changed again yesterday night, and was moved back to today, 9 November 2017.

We are delighted that the trial will take place sooner rather than later“, says Daniele Perissi, Head of the DRC program at TRIAL International. “The victims have been waiting for years, they deserve a prompt and exemplary trial“.

 

A symbol of impunity

In just a few short years, Kavumu has been a symbol both of the large-scale crimes of sexual violence that have devastated the country, and a demonstration of the impunity with which those crimes are accompanied. The trial itself is one of the few of its kind and could set a crucial precedent.

The importance of Kavumu extends far beyond the impact on survivors and their families says Philip Grant, Director of TRIAL International. This trial punctures the code of silence and undermines the judicial inertia that often surrounds sexual violence cases in South Kivu. That authorities are now fully reckoning with this issue head-on is a huge step forward for Congolese justice.

The trial was supposed to end on Saturday 25 November. But at the request of the military court and after consulting the relevant partners, it was decided that the trial will continue until Thursday 30 November.

The sentence should be announced on Monday 4 December 2017.

For more information, a complete media kit is available in English and French.

Mrs. A. (real name withheld) was raped during the war. Now she is stuck between unenforced compensation and stringent statutes of limitation, leaving her effectively powerless to access reparation. TRIAL International is taking a case to the UN Committee Against Torture.

In 1993, Mrs A. was raped by a member of the Republika Srpska army. As a result, she became pregnant and had to undergo an abortion. Despite the trauma, she battled through the Bosnian justice system until, two decades later, her assaulter was found guilty of war crimes.

In addition to 8 years of imprisonment, his sentence required him to pay a 30’000 BAM (approximately 18’000 USD) reparation to the victim.

This was a victory not just for Mrs A., but also an important precedent in BiH: before her, only one wartime victim had been awarded compensation during criminal proceedings.

The money would have been a boon for Mrs A., who has been diagnosed with permanent personality disorder symptoms and chronic post-traumatic stress disorder. In addition to its symbolic weight, the compensation money could have improved her precarious financial and health conditions.

 

A battle ends, another begins

Yet Mrs A. never received a penny and the sentence was never enforced. The perpetrator had no property or asset registered in his name and was unable to pay his due.

In such cases, many States would have the obligation to step in and compensate the victim instead, but Bosnian law remains very vague. In the past, TRIAL International has posited that BiH was bound by similar standards – to no avail so far.

But there is even worst news: even initiating a distinct civil case against the authorities would not help her obtain compensation. Due to stringent statutes of limitation, her claim would be considered time-barred. She therefore has no effective remedy and cannot enforce her right to compensation –  including the means for a full rehabilitation.

 

A failure of the State

To overcome this domestic deadlock, TRIAL International is bringing the case before the United Nations Committee Against Torture. It contends that BiH is failing to its obligations under the Convention Against Torture to provide full and effective reparations to victims.

Our demands are twofold” summarizes Adrijana Hanušić Bećirović, TRIAL’s Senior Legal Advisor in BiH. “We want BiH to abolish the statutes of limitations for civil proceedings, and to step in when perpetrators cannot compensate their victims. Those two measures are a minimum for survivors to access reparation.”

 

UPDATE: due to unforeseen circumstances, the trial will start on 9 November 2017.

 

Bukavu, Geneva, New-York, 2 November 2017 – In the village of Kavumu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), families once endured the unspeakable: children abducted in the night and raped. Nearly five years after the first attacks and after an international mobilization of supporters, a trial to prosecute the alleged offenders will begin on Monday, November 6. Eighteen suspects will face charges, including a local politician. The trial will be a turning point for the fight against impunity in DRC, and civil society both locally and internationally played a decisive role in bringing about this historic moment.

 

On Monday, November 6, international observers will pay close attention to the village of Kavumu in Congo’s eastern province of South Kivu. It will be the epicenter of one of the most anticipated trials of the year. The defendants are alleged members of an armed militia who, for years, abducted and raped children in this village.

In just a few short years, Kavumu has been a symbol both of the large-scale crimes of sexual violence that have devastated the country, and a demonstration of the impunity with which those crimes are accompanied. The trial itself is one of the few of its kind and could set a crucial precedent.

The importance of Kavumu extends far beyond the impact on survivors and their families,” said the NGO TRIAL International. “This trial punctures the code of silence and undermines the judicial inertia that often surrounds sexual violence cases in South Kivu. That authorities are now fully reckoning with this issue head-on is a huge step forward for Congolese justice.”

 

Babies among the victims

Some of the agony of these cases is due to the age of the 46 victims – some as young as just a year old when they were raped. The attacks also fit a similar pattern that was repeated over the course of many years.

The perpetrators broke into our houses at night to kidnap our daughters,” said a mother of a victim who asked for anonymity to protect her from reprisals. “They raped them out of pure superstition, and many suffered injuries that will linger with them the rest of their lives.”

Urged on by a concerned international community and courageous civil society members, the Kavumu military prosecutor took over the case in 2016. During the investigation, 18 suspects were charged with crimes against humanity, since their alleged crimes were both numerous and systematic.

 

NGOs on the front line

 The trial in Kavumu will take place thanks to the mobilization of both Congolese and international civil society groups. Together, they combined their expertise to draw the attention of national authorities and help to build a solid case against the alleged offenders.

We are hopeful that our combined efforts will allow survivors and their families to finally obtain justice and live in peace after so much pain,” said the NGO Physicians for Human Rights, which has supported investigative efforts in Kavumu since the first rape cases were reported. “We are hopeful this process will hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes. And we hope that the collaboration between the medical and legal communities, as well as international and national NGOs, can sustain an effective response system that can prevent future instances of sexual violence.”

 An additional difficulty was the vulnerability of the survivors, all of whom were children at the time of the attacks.

These children relive the aggression perpetrated against them every time they tell their story. The trial’s proceedings are demanding and require deep psychological support,” said Panzi Hospital, which specializes in the treatment of survivors of sexual violence.

 On the legal front, the challenge will be proving the systematic nature of the attacks. In order to make a case of crimes against humanity, prosecutors must show that the crimes were part of an organized endeavor, a high bar in a country as unstable as DRC.

We have been waiting years for this trial to begin, as have the families of all the survivors,” said the NGO community working on these cases. “We now hope that the trial will be conducted in good faith and that the Congolese justice system will justly punish the offenders proportional to the gravity of their crimes.”

 

Kavumu is a particularly poor village situated in the province of South Kivu, in Eastern DRC. Not far from the provincial capital Bukavu, this zone has been the theatre of extreme violence for years, with groups fighting for power over land and resources.

 

The facts

Between 2013 and 2016 in the village of Kavumu, over forty young girls aged 13 months to 12 years have been abducted at night and raped.

Each case followed the same modus operandi: after having been kidnapped by one or several men, the victim was raped and her hymnal blood collected – sometimes with the help of a sharp object – before she was abandoned on the spot. The majority of these girls now suffer permanent damage to their genital organs and are heavily traumatized.

Initially, these attacks were considered as isolated events and treated as such by the local judicial authorities. Psychologically vulnerable, the victims and their families nevertheless found the courage to approach the local prosecutor.

However, in spite of the intervention of a Task Force set up by the NGO Physicians for Human Rights, no action was undertaken. It is only in mid-2015 that the national government recognized these crimes were of crucial importance for the authorities in Kinshasa.

 

Procedure

At the beginning of 2016, following the integration of TRIAL International to the Task Force, a new legal strategy was adopted.

The victims’ lawyers asked the military prosecutor to take up the case, invoking that the crimes were linked together. In fact, the existence of a systematic or generalized attack on civilians meant these facts could be qualified as crimes against humanity.

The military prosecutor agreed to the request and opened an inquiry for mass crimes.

In June 2016, the first evidence collected by the police led to the arrest of Frederic Batumike. This provincial representative (and member of the Provicial Assembly of Bukavu) was arrested alongside 70 other individuals suspected of belonging to a militia responsible for the rapes of Kavumu. That same militia is suspected of having orchestrated deadly attacks against local human rights defenders and military settlements.

The age of the victims and the way the crimes were committed (by night while the parents were sleeping, without witnesses and using drugs to keep the victims unconscious) led the authorities to collaborate with the Task Force. Together, they investigated and collected the necessary evidence to corroborate the prosecution’s arguments.

In September 2017, the military prosecutor indicted 18 individuals for rape as crimes against humanity and additional crimes such as murder, organization in a militia and attacks against Congolese military settlements.

According to the indictment, Batumike has created and organized the militia, and ordered the commission of these crimes. The other 17 are accused of participating to a militia and contributing to the aforementioned crimes.

The criminal trial was initially planned from 6 to 23 November 2017. Due to unforeseen circumstances it has been rescheduled to start on 9 November 2017.

On 13 December 2017, the first judgment rendered justice to Kavumu’s children : 11 Congolese militia members, were convicted of crimes against humanity for murder and the rape of 37 young children.

On 12 June 2018, the appeal hearings were initiated in Bukavu before the Congolese Military High Court.

On 26 July 2018, the High Military Court of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (HMC) has confirmed the condemnation of all 11 accused in the Kavumu case.

 

Watch the testimony of one of the young girls’ father

 

Today, Burundi’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) will come into effect – a sad precedent for international justice.

Exactly one year ago, Burundi announced its intention to leave the ICC, the first permanent organ competent to judge the gravest crimes. This announcement was followed by similar declarations from the Gambia and South Africa, but both countries have backpedaled since and chose to remain under the Court’s jurisdiction.

We are disappointed that Burundi stubbornly continued on that path, in spite of its civil society’s strong mobilization”, says Pamela Capizzi, Head of the Burundi program at TRIAL International. “Just like with the UN Commission of Inquiry, the government has walled itself into contrariness and opposition.”

From enthusiasm to defiance

This divorce is all the more disappointing because Burundi, like many other African States, had been instrumental to the ICC’s creation. While European countries were skeptical about the success of such an endeavor, they drummed up and led a proactive campaign for international justice.

How to explain this U-turn? “The fact is that a strong-willed international justice is disruptive. Some States perhaps thought that their own creation would not turn against them, that it would be confined to trying their opponents. By opening a preliminary examination on Burundi last April, the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC showed that it would not be the case”, explains Philip Grant, TRIAL International’ Director.

Burundi’s withdrawal will not impede the ICC’s ongoing preliminary examination. If the criteria are fulfilled, it could still lead to the opening of an inquiry and, if applicable, a trial.

Read more about the links between Burundi and the ICC
Read more about the ICC’s jurisdiction criteria

(Banjul, The Gambia, October 21, 2017) – Victims of the former Gambian government of Yahya Jammeh and Gambian and international activists today announced the formation of a campaign to bring Jammeh and his leading accomplices to justice.

Jammeh fled The Gambia in January 2017 for exile in Equatorial Guinea after losing presidential elections to current president Adama Barrow. In 22 years of autocratic rule, Jammeh’s government used killings, “disappearances,” torture, intimidation, sexual violence, and arbitrary arrests to suppress dissent and preserve its grip on power.

“We will do whatever it takes in the pursuit of justice, no matter how long it takes” said Fatoumatta Sandeng, daughter of opposition leader Solo Sandeng whose murder in April 2016 galvanized opposition to the Jammeh government, and who is spokesperson for the new  “Campaign to Bring Yahya Jammeh and his Accomplices to Justice”. “All that matters is that Jammeh and his accomplices are held accountable for what they did to the Gambian people.”

The objective of the Campaign is the fair trial for alleged crimes of Yahya Jammeh, as well as of those who bear the greatest responsibility in the abuses of his government.  The Coalition said it would also seek to strengthen the voice of the victims in Gambia’s current transitional process and to help the Gambian government recover Jammeh’s assets.

“Given what so many of us experienced and the depths to which Jammeh took The Gambia, we have a moral duty to ensure that justice is done,” said Amadou Scattred Janneh, who was sentenced to life imprisonment under Jammeh for making T-shirts with the slogan “End Dictatorship Now.” “By bringing Jammeh to justice, we also serve notice to tyrants across the continent that we the people are determined to fight impunity.”

Some of the other victims at the Campaign’s inaugural press briefing were Imam Baba Leigh, a Muslim cleric who was savagely tortured and detained incommunicado for five months in 2012-2013; Baba Hydra, son of Deyda Hydra, editor of the Point newspaper and president of the Gambia Press Union, who was murdered in 2004; Nana-Jo Ndow whose father, the opponent Saul Ndow disappeared in 2013 and is presumed to have been killed, and Ayeesha Jammeh, whose father Haruna Jammeh, and her sister Marcie, cousins of Yahya Jammeh disappeared in 2005.

Also speaking at the conference were Tutu Alicante, head of EG Justice, the leading organization campaigning for human rights in Equatorial Guinea, and Bénédict de Moerloose of TRIAL International which was instrumental in the arrest of Jammeh’s former Interior Minister Ousman Sonko in Switzerland, where he faces trial on torture charges.

“As a people living for almost four decades under brutal dictatorship, we Equatoguineans feel compelled to try to help our Gambian brothers and sisters get the justice that we have been denied,” said Tutu Alicante, Head of EG Justice: the leading organization  campaigning for human rights in Equatorial Guinea. “The success of the Gambian victims will be the success of all Africans.”

The Campaign said that it would seek Jammeh’s extradition for trial in The Gambia, but that this could take several years as political, security and institutional concerns must first be addressed before Jammeh could get a fair trial that would help promote the rule of law in The Gambia.

The groups participating in the Campaign include: The Gambia Center for Victims of Human Rights Violations, the Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa,  Article 19 West Africa, Coalition for Change in Gambia, TANGO, EG Justice (Equatorial Guinea), TRIAL International (Switzerland), Human Rights Watch,  Guernica 37 International Justice Chambers,   Aids-Free World and La Fondation pour l’égalité des chances en Afrique. Reed Brody, the Human Rights Watch lawyer instrumental in the campaign to bring to justice the former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré, is advising the Campaign.

The campaign is supported in part by the Fondation pour l’égalité des chances en Afrique. “This campaign sends a strong message: no African leader suspected of crimes against humanity should think that he is above the law or out of reach of his victims,” said Mohamed Bouamatou of Mauritania, president of the Foundation.

TRIAL International and the FOCODE denounce with a common voice the widespread crimes in Burundi to the UN Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGED).

 

An unbearable climate for civilians

 The climate of tension and insecurity prevailing in Burundi is such that simply living in opposition-leaning or “anti-third mandate*” areas can get you arrested – although arrests strongly resemble kidnapping.

The party in power will crush whoever defies its authority: many reported cases of enforced disappearance have targeted activists (real or perceived), political opponents or members of the former Burundian armed forces. Journalists and human rights defenders are even worst off: their muzzling has been all but systematic since 2015.

 

Crimes against humanity?

In their report, TRIAL International and the FOCODE demonstrate that these enforced disappearances occur across the territory and follow the same pattern. Such “widespread” and “systematic” attacks “targeting the civilian population” could therefore amount to a crime against humanity.

The methods and victims’ profile are similar in the whole country” explains Janvier Bigirimana, General Secretary of the FOCODE. “Additionally, the authorities’ complacency gives the carte blanche to commit these crimes.”

The report highlights that these crimes are mainly committed by the representatives of the State, and by members of the party’s youth branch, the Imbonerakure**.

 

A step towards an ICC inquiry?

The recognition by the WGED of enforced disappearances a as a crime against humanity could push the International Criminal Court (ICC) to open an inquiry. Last month, the UN’s Commission of Inquiry on Burundi also emitted recommendations in that sense.

The total absence of prosecution for the criminals would also satisfy the complementarity criteria necessary for the ICC to be competent.

 An increasing number of actors are calling for the opening of an inquiry in Burundi. With mere weeks to go before the country formally leaves the Rome Statute, we hope our report will contribute to that effort” concludes Pamela Capizzi. “The victims have placed their hopes in the international community: it is our duty not to fail them.”

 

* Political upheaval has begun when the current president Pierre Nkurunziza embarked on his third mandate, which is prohibited by the Burundian Constitution.
** The Imbonerakure have been referred to as “a militia” by the United Nations and have imposed themselves as “the State’s main tool of repression”.

The United Nations Commission of Inquiry reckoned that crimes against humanity had been committed in Burundi since 2015. As tension between Bujumbura and the international community reaches its height, two legal experts analyze possible scenarios.

 

How did the presentation of the Commission of Inquiry on Burundi unfold? How have states and NGOs reacted?

Lambert Nigarura, President of the Burundian Coalition for the ICC: With the exception of four states, all countries and organizations of civil society welcomed the Commission’s work, as well as the courage and determination of its members.

Pamela Capizzi, Head of TRIAL International’s Burundi program: I was pleased that some states condemned Burundi’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute, calling on it to reverse its decision. Most also agreed with the recommendation of the Commission of Inquiry concerning an ICC inquiry.

 

Indeed, what do you think of the recommendation to the ICC to open an inquiry*?

LN: This recommendation is very relevant. It is proof that the members of the Commission of Inquiry are convinced that crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC have been committed, that is, the most serious crimes committed on a large scale. It is now up to the ICC, which has the jurisdiction to qualify said crimes, to take action.

PC: I too am also delighted with this recommendation, notably because it is the result of meticulous documentation, as well as a rigorous legal analysis from the Commission of Inquiry.

 

What are the different possible scenarios at present?

PC: If the ICC opens an investigation before Burundi’s withdrawal on 27 October 2017, the government will be legally obliged to cooperate. But given Bujumbura’s defiance in recent months, the likelihood is that this will do nothing. The other scenario is that the ICC opens an investigation after 27 October. Unfortunately, Burundi would no longer be obliged to cooperate, but at least an investigation would take place, sending out a strong message and establishing the truth.

LN: If the ICC failed to open an inquiry at all, it would be a huge disappointment for the victims and a dangerous precedent for international justice. The Burundian government would have succeeded in defying the international community, the United Nations and all legal mechanisms without any consequence. The Burundian people themselves would feel betrayed and abandoned, fueling the vicious cycle of violence and frustration contributing to the political instability.

PC: That is absolutely true: victims could seek justice through other mechanisms, but the main message would be that the Burundian authorities can act with complete impunity, without having to answer for their crimes. Other countries could then take a leaf out of its book and do the same.

 

What is the probability that the ICC opens an investigation at present?

PC: The Commission of Inquiry’s report is public, rigorous and well-argued. Its allegations that crimes against humanity have been committed certainly cannot leave the ICC indifferent. However, I would like to point out that the opening of an investigation by the ICC will only be a step towards fighting impunity in Burundi. This action alone will not be able to eradicate the problem, so I hope that an ICC investigation will be just one step in the process of finding lasting solutions to impunity.

 

The Burundian government recently called on African states to “stand together against the ICC”. Mr. Nigarura, what do you think is the dominant feeling in Africa?

LN: It must be understood that this call has not been echoed. It is true that the African countries do not trust the ICC, but few really plan to avoid its jurisdiction. Civil society, of which I am a member, is aware that Africans are the first victims of these crimes, and that they don’t often have access to independent justice. The ICC remains the only jurisdiction in the world capable of guaranteeing this right.

 

*The International Criminal Court opened a preliminary examination in 2016 which could lead to an investigation. Learn more

In a damning report, TRIAL International denounces the near impossibility for victims of sexual violence to obtain justice. The data, collected in collaboration with Panzi Hospital, reveal structural causes to this impunity.

 

After almost seven years of delay, the DRC submitted its periodic report to the Human Rights Committee. In this long-awaited report, the question of impunity for crimes of sexual violence was barely addressed. In anticipation of the Committee’s review of the DRC on 16 October, TRIAL International submitted its own report, focused on the causes of impunity. The scourge of sexual violence is particularly ravaging in the East of the country, where rape is systematically used as a weapon of war. And yet perpetrators go unpunished – why? Deficient infrastructure, poorly trained personnel, and a normalisation of violence against women offer some explanation.

 

Inadequate and ill-equipped courts

Only four courts in all of South Kivu are competent to judge a crime of rape. An absurdity for a territory larger than Switzerland, with a population of over six million. Unsurprisingly, the lack of access to legal assistance is one of the primary reasons cited by victims to explain why they don’t seek justice.

Mobile court hearings, which were intended to address the lack of courts in isolated territories, are showing their limits. First, their cost and organisation depend exclusively on international actors, with very limited engagement from the national authorities. Second, entire regions of the country are too dangerous to travel to, such that even a mobile court hearing are often held far away from where the crime occurred.

Finally, courts are very poorly equipped to adjudicate sexual crimes. The Congolese authorities (police officers, magistrates, and judges) are still ridden with preconceived notions of victims, and this affects the processing of their complaints. Victims, often intimidated or threatened for having dared to file a complaint, lack a sane and supportive environment in which to demand justice. Consequently, they prefer to abandon their quest altogether.

 

NGOs doing the government’s work

It must also be noted that magistrates frequently take a “wait-and-see” approach to cases of sexual violence, rarely exerting their power to proactively prosecute these cases. It falls on local NGOs to refer cases to the courts, but they lack the necessary skills and resources. In an effort to respond to their needs, TRIAL International facilitates documentation and capacity-building missions.

But the real problem remains: faced with passive authorities, Congolese NGOs carry the disproportionate burden of looking after extremely vulnerable victims. Medical care, psychological counselling, financial assistance…everything must be provided because no holistic support to victims is envisaged by the Congolese government.

In its report to the Human Rights Committee, TRIAL points out numerous other obstacles: concerns for victims’ safety, poor enforcement of court decisions, and politically motivated delays in proceedings.

The conclusion that emerges is that the causes of impunity are structural: “The difficulties experienced by victims in the DRC are not tied to individuals or to specific contexts,” explains Daniele Perissi, Head of the DRC Program at TRIAL. “The shortcomings are generalised, inscribed in laws, structures and mentalities. That is why a profound change must come from the top. We ask the Congolese government to finally tackle this problem head on, leaning on its dynamic civil society and the many international partners present in the country.”

Patient Iraguha, Legal Officer at TRIAL International, documents mass crimes in DRC’s most remote areas. A laborious and sometimes dangerous exercise, but a necessary one for victims to regain trust in justice.

 

For the past three years, TRIAL International has been undertaking evidence-collection missions directly where serious crimes were committed. This action was based upon the two-fold observation that the time lapse between the commission of the crime and its prosecution played a role in the disappearance of pieces of evidence; and that the perpetrators of mass crimes were sometimes acquitted due to lack of evidence. To remedy that, there was only one solution: travelling to the crime scene, in remote and sometimes dangerous areas. It’s the price to pay to build a solid case.

The evidence we gather includes accounts from victims, medical records and certificates, testimonies from local authorities, pictures or even videos.

 

Working in a conflict zone

The first difficulty pertaining to evidence collection is the unstable security situation. We sometimes intervene in zones where armed groups are still active.

It may be only in hindsight that we recognize the risks involved: last year, I collected testimonies from locality leaders where crimes had been committed. It’s only much later that I realized how closely related they were to the political-military group that was committing these atrocities. We are operating in an extremely volatile context, wherein everything has to be thoroughly analyzed.

Insecurity is also an obstacle for the victims: the fear of reprisals often inhibits their voice. Their security is our primary concern.

 

A thirst for justice

The victims we meet often expect a lot from documentation missions. We may be the first to listen to their stories, to try to understand them. Many Congolese have lost faith in justice and ask us to explain the authorities’ silence.

On the other hand, the torturers’ impunity may give some victims a thirst for justice. They are all the more determined to speak. It’s their courage that gives me the energy to pursue my work.

One day, I met a woman who had suffered terrible violence. She had lost everything and lived in exile, whereas the perpetrators remained free. While I was asking her questions, she inquired: “Sir, do you really believe that justice exists here?”

I responded that we had to believe so, even if the path could seem strewn with obstacles. This answer summarizes all the difficulty of working with victims. Our concern is always to balance between rebuilding their faith and courage, and remaining frank because, in DRC, the journey to justice is generally very long.

 

Patient Iraguha, DRC Legal Officer

 

Watch the testimony of a victim

 

Rifaat Al-Assad is a career military man and a Syrian politician. He is the younger brother of the former president of Syria Hafez Al-Assad, to which he has largely facilitated the ascension to power in 1970. He is the uncle of the current president Bashar Al-Assad.

A member of the highest political circles in the 1980s, he was part of the regional commandment of the Baath party and has led the “Defense Brigades” (Saraya al-difaa an al thawara), Syria’s elite commando troops, from 1971 to 1984.

Thought by many to succeed to his elder brother as president, he was then suspected of preparing a coup against the latter. He was subsequently forced into exile in 1984. Since then, he has lived in various European countries where he has invested his substantial personal fortune.

In June 2016, he was indicted in France for embezzlement of public funds and undeclared labour. Some of his assets, worth several million euros, were seized in France, in Spain and in the United Kingdom.

 

The facts

Under Rifaat Al-Assad’s command, the Defense Brigades could have participated in two infamous slaughters.

Firstly, the massacre in the prison of Tadmor (or Palmyra), probably perpetrated by the Defense Brigades in retaliation to the attempted murder of President Hafez Al-Assad.

On 27 June 1980, the Defense Brigades led by Rifaat Al-Assad attacked the prison of Tadmor, around 200km North-East of the capital. As soon as they arrived, the soldiers barged into the cell and killed almost every prisoner. About 1’000 people suspected of being members of the opposition could have been slaughtered.

Secondly, the martyrdom of the city of Hama in February 1982. Following the takeover by the Fighting Vanguard of the city of Hama, the government sent in thousands of men, including the Defense Brigades.

Government forces surrounded and shelled the city with heavy artillery and tanks. The Vanguard and many individuals who had spontaneously taken arms tried to resist, in vain. Very quickly, the civilian population was trapped in its own city, cut off from supply, food and electricity for almost 4 weeks.

Depending on the sources, 10’000 to 40’000 people – mainly civilians – have died. Whole areas of the city were destroyed, including the shelling to the ground of a part of the old town.

Both at Tadmor and in Hama, testimonies and historical sources concur on the implication of the Defense Brigades in the crimes committed. Several sources point directly at Rifaat Al-Assad in the planning and carrying out of these massacres.

 

Procedure

In November 2013, TRIAL International was made aware of the presence in Switzerland of Rifaat al-Assad. After conducting research, the NGO filed a complaint before the Office of the Attorney General of Switzerland (OAG), asking it to determine the responsibility of Rifaat Al-Assad in the massacre of Hama. The OAG opened a criminal investigation for war crimes in December 2013. In August 2014, a victim joined in the proceedings.

In September 2015, Rifaat Al-Assad came back to Geneva. TRIAL International and the victim’s lawyer asked the authorities to arrest him. They refused, and the victim’s lawyer filed for provisional measures before the Federal Criminal Tribunal. Two days later, the OAG was ordered to audition Rifaat Al-Assad.

In 2016 and 2017, TRIAL International filed several more complaints, including for the crimes committed in Tadmor. It also brought to the case ample evidence and a list of witnesses ready to testify.

As the proceedings continued, six more victims joined the case. Some of them have directly witnessed the atrocities. Given the total impunity reigning in Syria, the investigation in Switzerland could be their only chance to obtain justice.

In June 2020, Rifaat al-Assad was convicted in France and sentenced to four years in jail, notably for money laundering and embezzlement of Syrian public funds. French authorities also confiscated several properties worth millions. Al-Assad appealed the decision.

On 9 September 2021, the Paris Court of Appeals upheld the conviction of Rifaat al-Assad to four years in prison for fraudulently building up assets in France valued at 90 million euros.

In October 2021, Rifaat al-Assad fled Europe to return to Syria despite the ongoing proceedings against him and the judicial surveillance he was under in France. The investigation before the OAG continues regardless.

 

Context

From 1979 to 1982, the Al-Assad regime fought the Fighting Vanguard of the Muslim Brotherhood. Founded at the end of World War II and emanating from the Egyptian party, the Syrian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood became the first opposition force after Hafez Al-Assad’s accession to power.

The regime, including under the influence of Rifaat Al-Assad, set up a policy of repression that evolved into open conflict with the Muslim Brotherhood. At the end of the 1970s, their clashes led to an armed conflict which culminated in the destruction of Hama in 1982.

The crimes committed in Hama and Tadmor are directly linked to that non-international armed conflict in Syria. The following acts must therefore be qualified as war crimes:

  • murder
  • collective punishments
  • bombardment of civilians
  • collective executions
  • acts of torture
  • rape
  • looting
  • destructions of religious buildings and hospitals

 

War scars are difficult to overcome, both at the psychological and societal level. Legal and Communications Officer Adisa Fišić Barukčija examines arts as a seldom-explored avenue for healing.

 

 

Risking one’s life for a moment of freedom

It is hard to imagine people risking their lives to attend a movie screening. Yet this is what happened during the siege of Sarajevo, even as the city was shelled on a daily basis.

Despite the omnipresence of violence, cultural life remained vibrant throughout the war in Bosnia & Herzegovina: hundreds of concerts, theatre plays, and other cultural events flourished in improvised venues across Sarajevo. For civilians, these cultural events were a neutral space where they could, for a small amount of time, forget about their terrible situation.

 

Art therapy: a safe haven of healing

After the war, survivors who underwent trauma participated in creative art therapy. People who suffer from psychological wounds often find it difficult to discuss their experiences orally, even with a professional therapist. Art therapies have proven to be effective because they do not necessarily require people to speak.

They can also help people dealing with repressed memories. Some people do not have any recollection of the disturbing events they suffered. Art therapy can be a way to bring these memories back to the surface to help the healing process.

 

Culture and art bring people together

Decades after the conflict, this period still inspires artists, no less because divisions are still a reality in today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even children who did not live through the war grow up with destructive narratives that shape their opinion about the past, exacerbating divisions.

When the Sarajevo Film Festival was created at the end of the war, one of its goals was to facilitate dialogue among communities. The organizers initiated a “Dealing with the past” program to give voice to personal stories from all sides. Understanding the suffering of others is essential to fostering empathy among communities and improving their interactions.

Post-conflict countries generally focus on security and social welfare, at the expense of culture. But the arts should not be neglected as they can provide a space for questions, dialogue, and hopefully reconciliation.

Adisa Fišić Barukčija, Legal and communications officer
@AdisaFisic

 

Revelations about TRIAL International’s investigation

Geneva 25 September 2017 – A collective of lawyers has revealed today the existence of criminal proceedings in Switzerland against Rifaat Al-Assad for war crimes committed in Syria in the 1980s. TRIAL International confirms it has, after a thorough investigation, denounced the former vice-president to the Swiss judicial authorities. A solid case is now in the hands of the Office of the Attorney General (OAG), who must now bring to its close this exemplary and historical case.

Since 2013 and following a criminal complaint by TRIAL International, Rifaat Al-Assad is the subject of a criminal investigation in Switzerland for war crimes. But four years later, the NGO is worried the case is at a stalemate, despite the significant amount of evidence at hand. This morning, the complainants’ lawyers have publicly challenged the OAG and denounced a denial of justice for their clients – who are all victims of the Syrian regime’s barbarity.

 

TADMOR AND HAMA, TWO SLAUGHTERS THAT HAVE GONE DOWN IN HISTORY

Who is Rifaat Al-Assad? An eminent member of the Syrian political cast and the uncle of the current president Bashar Al-Assad, he was in command of the Defense Brigades – the country’s elite commando troops – in the 1980s. Under his lead, the Brigades are suspected of participating in the massacre of several thousand people at Tadmor prison and in Hama.

On 27 June 1980, as an armed conflict rages on, the Defense Brigades storm the prison of Tadmor, near Palmyra. Bursting into the cells, Rifaat Al-Assad’s men methodically kill almost 1’000 prisoners, according to various estimates.

Two years later, opponents to the regime take up arms in the city of Hama. Government forces, including the Defense Brigades, attack the city in retaliation. The population is trapped in its own city, without supply or electricity, for almost a month. Civil casualties range from 10’000 to 40’000, depending on the sources.

Executions, shelling, torture, rape, looting: in spite of the gravity of the crimes, nobody has ever been prosecuted. Rifaat Al-Assad, in exile since 1984, has travelled freely for years and invested a vast personal fortune in Europe.

 

FOUR YEARS OF INVESTIGATION

In 2013, the opening of an inquiry by the Swiss OAG revived the victims’ hope to see Rifaat Al-Assad tried and punished. In the following four years, TRIAL International conducted investigative work in eight countries and provided the OAG with dozens of testimonies and pieces of evidence. By skimming through countless archives, the NGO was able to find documents from secret services and embassies of various countries. The organization has also tracked down former Syrian combatants willing to testify.

We have accumulated damning evidence showing Rifaat Al-Assad’s responsibility in the massacres of Tadmor and Hama. The evidence also points at the unbounded brutality of his troops and his wish to purely and simply root out the opposition” says Benedict de Moerloose, the lawyer in charge of investigations at TRIAL International.

 

SWITZERLAND MUST SHOW COURAGE

The victims who have filed their complaint in Switzerland are bitterly disappointed today. Their lawyers denounce “grave shortcomings in the procedure, such as the cancellation of hearings, the refusal to arrest or hear the suspect (…) and even attempts to bury the case altogether”.

Yet according to the principle of universal jurisdiction, Switzerland has an obligation to prosecute the authors of war crimes present on its territory – regardless of where the crimes were committed and the nationality of the perpetrators.

The sluggishness of the OAG goes against Switzerland’s international commitments – an irony given it is the depositary of the Geneva Convention”, deplores Philip Grant, Director of TRIAL International. “Besides, it sends a dangerous message to today’s belligerents in Syria. It must be absolutely clear to them that they are not beyond the reach of justice.

Suspected of embezzlement of public funds, the assets of Rifaat Al-Assad – worth hundreds of millions of euros – have recently been seized in France, in Spain and in the United Kingdom. Switzerland now has a historic occasion to prosecute him for his criminal actions. For the thousands of victims in Syria, the OAG must have the courage to see this procedure through and to prepare the trial of Rifaat Al-Assad.

TRIAL International will hold a press briefing on Tuesday 26 September at 9am (UTC +2) at the Maison des Associations in Geneva, room Rachel Carson
See on the map

In 2017, TRIAL International and the NGO WITNESS have put together a unique training in DRC: how to use video to fight impunity.

TRIAL International usually teaches purely legal notions; it is the first time it offers training on information technologies for judiciary purposes.

Congolese lawyers have learned to document and collect evidence for international crimes armed solely with their cameras or smartphones.

The training’s content, feedback from participants and comments from the organizers can be found on Storify.